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The Apologists
An arguement frequently made is that the anti-spankers are
extremists...that they equate beating with "real spanking." The problem with this apology for spanking is that the great majority of spankings do not limit themselves to striking in ways that minimize pain. In fact a favorite excuse of child abusers that beat their children or devise other painful punishments is that they were simply "disciplining my child and how dare you interfer with a parent's right to raise their child as they see fit." Or words to that effect. We see things as bizzare as "saucing," subjecting children to painful work, use of various instruments of pain such as nylon rods with instruction manuals, paddles, straps, and each user of those says the same thing the open-handed slappers say....it's for 'discipline' of the child. In other words there is a massive demonstration of the incapacity of people to understand the limit between relatively harmless CP and abuse. The problem being, of course, that circumstances where there are far too many variables for someone to weigh with authority color the decision making. What would make a teen laugh could even kill a tiny child....and have no doubt, people DO strike children of very tender years, even switching infants with objects for "misbehavior." The days of CP are coming to an end on this planet. The apologists are simply in denial as the truth becomes ever more apparent. Kane |
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The Apologists
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The Apologists
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The Apologists
On Mon, 24 Oct 2005, Carlson LaVonne wrote:
I'm not sure that the days of CP are coming to an end on this planet, but as you state, the more spanking apologistsw are in denial, the truth becomes ever more apparent. LaVonne LaVonne and "the truth"??? ;-) Doan |
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The Apologists
I suppose spankers are willing to risk their children without giving
sufficient thought to possible unwanted outcomes, and most assuredely apologists are willing to risk other people's children. It is unconsciounable that they dump the results of their inadequecies on society and the world (we are such a small world anymore) and expect us to put up with them. Saddest of all is the heritage of the children that suffer these insults and parental shortcomings. They suffer the most. Some thoughts from a contributor to an end to spanking: Effects of spanking--A brief summary By Melanie Killen, May 31, 2000 My analysis of the literature on this topic has led me to conclude that spanking: 1. distracts children from focusing on the nature of the misdeed --instead it refocuses them on the pain inflicted thereby reducing the possibility that children will understand why their act was wrong 2. prevents the situation from becoming a learning/teaching situation because the child now focuses on the pain inflicted instead of the nature of the misdeed 3. often increases humiliation in the child 4. often lowers self esteem 5. provides a confusing message to the child because one transgression (inflicting harm on another person) is dealt with by the same transgression (inflicting harm on another person) 6. exaggerates the unilateral nature of the adult-child relationship and diminishes the reciprocal nature--so important for moral development 7. inhibits the opportunity to teach the child what makes an act wrong by removing them from the situation 8. turns the child from instigator to victim thereby altering the roles in the situation and making it more complicated. A review article by Grusec and Goodnow (1994) in Developmental Psychology on parenting discipline techniques covers much of these issues. Melanie Killen Dept. of Human Development University of Maryland, College Park College Park, MD 20742-1131 Phone: 301.405.3176 FAX: 301.405.2891 For a comprehensive examination of this issue, see RESEARCH AND INFORMED EXPERT OPINION Experts cited: American Academy of Pediatrics, E. Barker, D. Bakan, A. Einstein, H. Falk, I. Hyman, T. Gordon, P. Greven, W. Grier & P. Cobbs, A. Haeuser, A. Maurer, K. Menninger, A. Montagu, A. Miller, J. Prescott, B. Spock, M. Straus, R. Welsh, and others. (56 files) http://www.nospank.net/killen.htm |
#6
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The Apologists
From time to time apologists and spanking advocates who wish to
challenge research resort to posting the "work" of Robert E. Larzelere. What they fail to recognize is that Larzelere is guilty of the very things he mistakenly accuses other researchers of who he disagrees with. 1996: Review of corporal punishment studies: Robert E. Larzelere is the director of research at Boys Town, NE, and a skeptic of the anti-spanking position. He analyzed what he considered to be the eight strongest studies of corporal punishment (CP). 8 He found that they showed that spanking and other forms of violence short of actual abuse had "beneficial outcomes." However, the study seems almost without value when closely examined: - Seven of the eight studies measured only the child's short term compliance to the parent's request. There is probably a consensus among therapists, child psychologists, researchers and parents that spanking does make the child behave, at least for a little while. What these studies did not examine are the long-term effects of spanking observed by other studies: increasing non-compliance by the child, increased anti-social behavior with other children, and long range emotional and addictive problems as an adult. It is worth noting that in five of the seven cases, the effectiveness of spanking was compared to alternative methods of discipline. Spanking offered no advantages. - The eighth study did show long-term beneficial results from spanking. However it dealt only with a single child who had a severe conduct disorder, and who might be suffering from schizophrenia. Thus, one cannot extrapolate the study's results to the general population of children. In addition, most of the study dealt with training the mother to reinforce the child's positive behaviors and to be more confident and consistent in issuing commands to the child. One might speculate that an equivalent or even better beneficial result might have been observed if the spanking were replaced by an alternative form of discipline. ................... The lengths that advocates and apologists will go to to support a failed method and in fact nothing more than a superstition is a monument to what spanking...doubtless suffered by them as children...will do to one's reasoning ability if the later adult does not take special care to heal from the insults of childhood abuse. It doesn't take much to agree with your abusers. It takes a great deal of bravery and determination to stand up to the past and deny it's false meanings. Spanking does not work. Kane |
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The Apologists
From time to time Baumrind is mentioned when apologists and advocates
wish to argue the lack of harm done by spanking, yet Baumrind did NOT find what they wish to think she found. In fact the language of Baumrind is a testament to the lack of critical thinking skills and thinking errors prone to apologists and advocates. 2001: Corporal punishment and social/emotional development: On AUG-24, Diana Baumrind and Elizabeth Owens, research psychologists at University of California - Berkley's Institute of Human Development, reported the results of their longitudinal study on corporal punishment. They had studied over 100 middle class, white families. Data was extracted from a data base that had studied the children from 1968, when the children were preschoolers, to 1980, when the children were early adolescents. They defined five levels of severity of corporal punishment: -- Abusive punishment - There were none among the parents examined. -- "Red zone" - About 4 to 7% of parents studied impulsively used overly severe, frequent hitting. This included using a paddle or other device to strike the child, hit the child on the face or torso, or "lifted to throw or shake the child." However, punishment by these parents did not reach the level of abuse, in the judgment of the researchers. -- "Orange zone" - Parents who spanked frequently but with low intensity. -- "Yellow zone" - Parents who spanked moderately. -- "Green zone" - Parents who spanked rarely or not at all. No parents who went beyond hitting into actual abuse were included in the study. They found a major correlation between spanking and long-term harm to children among "Red zone" parents. Among the remaining parents, they found small but significant correlations between the level of physical punishment and later misbehavior among the children at age 8 to 9. Ms. Baumrind said that "the children of parents in the green zone who never spanked were not better adjusted than those, also in the green zone, who were spanked very seldomly." She emphasized that her study did not study how abusive physical punishment harms children. She said that she and other researchers have found ample evidence of that in other studies. ...... Baumrind made the classic error....attempting to measure the unmeasurable. She and her cohort attempted to determine where the line between "CP" and "abuse" lay. In doing so, it appears she left a lot of children from the abuse group examined and included in the CP group. Guesswork...NOT research. Kane |
#8
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The Apologists
1996 is about a decade old. Here is an updated one done in 2002: A Comparison of Two Recent Reviews of Scientific Studies of Physical Punishment by Parents Robert E. Larzelere June 2002 Summary Two recent reviews have summarized child outcomes associated with physical punishment by parents.1 2 They arrive at somewhat different conclusions, even though their underlying information is consistent with each other. After documenting this, I will show that child outcomes associated with ordinary physical punishment are also associated with alternative disciplinary tactics when similar research methods are used. Detrimental child outcomes are associated with the frequency of any disciplinary tactic, not just physical punishment. Therefore, it is the excessive misbehavior that is the actual cause of detrimental outcomes in children. Parents realize that excessive misbehavior will hinder their children's success in life and want to minimize excessive misbehavior with the best disciplinary methods. They need better information about how to discipline their children in the most effective manner. Effective discipline is based on a foundation of a positive, loving parent-child relationship and uses proactive discipline skillfully. In responding to misbehavior, parents need to use milder disciplinary tactics skillfully. The most effective way to use spanking is to back up milder disciplinary tactics, such as reasoning and time out, with 2- to 6-year-old children. Research has shown that this is not only effective in itself, but the child then cooperates with the milder disciplinary tactics, making the spank back-up less necessary as the child gets older. Contrasting Reviews Larzelere (2000)2 and Gershoff (2002)1 arrived at somewhat different conclusions in their summaries of scientific studies of physical punishment by parents. Larzelere (2000) concluded, "spanking has consistently beneficial outcomes when it is nonabusive (e.g., two swats to the buttocks with an open hand) and used primarily to back up milder disciplinary tactics with 2- to 6-year-olds by loving parents. . .most detrimental outcomes in causally relevant studies are due to overly frequent use of physical punishment" (p. 215). In contrast, Gershoff (2002) concluded, "Ten of the 11 meta-analyses indicate parental corporal punishment is associated with . . . undesirable behaviors and experiences. . . . Corporal punishment was associated with only one desirable behavior, namely, increased immediate compliance" (p. 544). Tables 1 and 2 show that their conclusions are based on similar evidence. These tables summarize the most important subset of studies that were considered in both reviews. Those studies focused on 6 outcome variables in children under the average age of 13, including the five child outcomes in Gershoff's aggression composite (child aggression, delinquency, adult aggression, crime, and abusiveness) plus immediate (or short-term) compliance. Gershoff summarized the studies in terms of effect sizes (Table 1), whereas Larzelere (2000) summarized studies as finding predominantly beneficial or detrimental outcomes or neither or both (Table 2). Both reviews found beneficial child outcomes associated with nonabusive physical punishment (bottom row of Tables 1 and 2). Both reviews found that the research methods that isolate the causal effect of physical punishment found beneficial child outcomes (Randomized clinical trials are in the right-hand column of the tables. This is the kind of study mandated for confirming the causal effects of drugs by the Federal Drug Administration before drugs can be put on the market.). The differing conclusions are based on different explanations for the overall pattern of beneficial vs. detrimental outcomes associated with physical punishment. The randomized clinical trials of nonabusive physical punishment (in the lower right-hand corner of Tables 1 and 2) differ from the other studies in all of the following ways: They provide more causally conclusive evidence, they limit the physical punishment to two swats of an open hand to the buttocks, their outcomes are limited to immediate compliance with everyday commands and with the time out procedure, spanking is used only when the child does not cooperate with time out, the children are between the ages of 2 and 6 and are so noncompliant that their parents sought help from a clinical psychologist to manage their child's excessive misbehavior. Gershoff (2002) considers the type of outcome the most important difference, concluding that physical punishment may increase immediate compliance but that it is associated with detrimental levels of 10 other outcomes. In contrast, Larzelere (2000) emphasizes the evidence of causal effects of nonabusive spanking when used to back up milder disciplinary tactics in 2- to 6-year-olds. Precisely because of the need to sort out these differing explanations, Larzelere (2000) featured a second table that summarized studies in the "partially controlled" column in Tables 1 and 2. These studies made some attempt to take into account the excessive misbehavior that is causing most parents to spank their children more (as well as to use more of all other disciplinary tactics). Gershoff (2002) makes no attempt to find evidence of causal effects from such studies, partly because the guidelines for her statistics cautioned against using evidence from such studies.3 But this advice led her to ignore the most relevant evidence for deciding among the alternative explanations of the overall pattern of findings. Consider the study by Gunnoe and Mariner (1997),4 for example. Gershoff (2002) summarized their associations between spanking frequency and either aggression or antisocial behavior five years later, resulting in apparently detrimental "effect sizes." Yet Gunnoe and Mariner themselves concluded, "For most children, claims that spanking teaches aggression seem unfounded" (p. 768). They based this conclusion on statistics that took into account the excessive misbehavior of the child in the first place. Under those circumstances, spanking caused reductions in fighting five years later in 3 subgroups: African-Americans, 4- to 7-year-olds, and girls. In contrast, it caused increases in fighting five years later in 2 subgroups: European-Americans and 8- to 11-year-olds. It also caused increases in antisocial behavior more consistently, but these analyses had the additional problem of being based on the same data source (the mother: Baumrind et al., 2002).5 Similar to Gunnoe and Mariner (1997), Larzelere's (2002) review emphasized results from 11 such studies that did something to take initial excessive misbehavior into account, thus providing some evidence concerning the causal effects of physical punishment. Overall, those studies found more beneficial than detrimental child outcomes under the following circumstances: when overly severe physical punishment was removed; when spanking was used as a back-up for milder disciplinary tactics, such as reasoning or time out; when the children were younger than 6.5 years old; when the children were extremely defiant; and when the subcultural group viewed spanking as normative discipline (e.g., African-Americans, conservative Protestants). Detrimental outcomes were more likely for long-term outcomes (8 detrimental; 3 beneficial) than for outcomes during the next disciplinary incident or the next day. There was a fairly even balance of detrimental and beneficial outcomes across different types of outcomes (behavior problems, mental health) and by whether positive parenting was accounted for. Finally, the strongest causal evidence for detrimental outcomes of spanking is based on methods that make alternative disciplinary tactics appear equally detrimental in most cases. Of the 11 studies that controlled partially for initially excessive misbehavior, only Straus et al. (1997)6 found uniformly detrimental outcomes. The other 10 studies either found beneficial outcomes (3 studies), a mixture of beneficial and detrimental outcomes (2 studies), neutral outcomes (1 study), or a mixture of detrimental and neutral outcomes (4 studies). But Larzelere and Smith (2000)7 replicated and extended Straus et al.'s (1997) study, using the same publicly available data set. In general, they found similar increases in antisocial behavior two years later for those who used four alternative disciplinary tactics frequently: grounding, removing privileges, docking allowances, or sending the child to his or her room. Further, these apparently detrimental outcomes for spanking and the four alternatives all disappeared after we did a better job of taking the initial level of excessive misbehavior into account. Only a few studies of physical punishment have investigated recommended alternative tactics using the same methods. In most cases, such studies have found equally detrimental outcomes associated with the recommended alternatives. That is true in major research by Straus,8 myself,9 10 and most applicable studies of children under 13 in Gershoff's (2002) review. Straus and Mouradian (1998) asked parents how frequently they had used disciplinary reasoning, time out, or privilege removal during the previous six months. They found that the frequency of those tactics was far more strongly associated with antisocial behavior and impulsive child behavior than was corporal punishment. To my knowledge, this is the only study in which Straus investigated recommended forms of nonphysical punishment in addition to spanking. Similarly, my most important original study found that the frequency of spanking 2- and 3-year-olds was associated with disruptive behavior 20 months later,9 about as strongly as the average prospective study of antisocial behavior in Gershoff (2002).1 But the frequencies of all of the following disciplinary tactics were even more strongly associated with higher disruptive behavior 20 months later: nonphysical punishment, reasoning (without punishment), and disciplinary responses that included neither reasoning nor punishment. Of the studies addressing Gershoff's (2002) aggression composite, only three studies investigated alternative disciplinary tactics for children under the age of 13. None of those three studies found more beneficial associations for nonphysical punishment than for physical punishment.8 11 12 I do not think that these comparisons mean that physical punishment should be preferred over nonphysical punishment or milder disciplinary tactics, such as disciplinary reasoning. Rather, these results confirm my suspicion that the detrimental outcomes associated with nonabusive physical punishment are due to the excessive misbehavior that leads to more physical punishment. Excessive misbehavior is reflected even more strongly in more common types of disciplinary tactics, such as nonphysical punishment and disciplinary reasoning. We cannot continue to lump all forms of physical punishment together to make an overall assessment that applies to all applications. Rather, we need to discriminate between more vs. less effective ways of using each disciplinary tactic. How parents use any disciplinary tactic is more important than what tactic they use - whether we are considering disciplinary reasoning, nonphysical consequences, or physical discipline. Especially with 2- to 3-year-olds, disciplinary reasoning works better if it is backed up when necessary, first by nonphysical punishment, and then, if warranted, by occasional nonabusive spanking or something equivalent.9 13 This is consistent with the strongest causal evidence about physical punishment: Nonabusive spanking reduces subsequent noncompliance and fighting in 2- to 6-year-olds when used by loving parents to back up milder disciplinary tactics, such as reasoning or time out. Nine studies support this conclusion, and no study contradicts it. To be sure, a brief room isolation has proven to be equally effective as a spank back-up in enforcing cooperation with time out in clinically defiant 2- to 6-year-olds.14 Further, nonphysical punishment works as effectively as physical punishment in backing up reasoning in 2- to 3-year-olds.10 Nonetheless, when two disciplinary tactics are equally effective on the average, they are each more effective for some children some of the time than the other alternative. That was demonstrated in Roberts and Powers (1990).14 Moreover, the most effective way to reduce subsequent fighting in my best study occurred when mothers combined reasoning, a nonphysical consequence, and a nonabusive spanking.9 The evidence to date supports a conditional sequence model of optimal disciplinary tactics.13 For 2- to 6-year-olds, parents should establish a solid foundation of a positive, loving parent-child relationship. They should emphasize proactive teaching - an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. When misbehavior occurs, they need effective responses, beginning with verbal correction and reasoning. Disciplinary reasoning becomes more effective by itself when backed up periodically with nonphysical punishment. When a 2- to 6-year-old refuses to cooperate with nonphysical punishment, such as time out, it needs to be enforced with something like a two-swat spank to the buttocks. Yes, there are alternatives that work better for a few children all of the time and for all children some of the time. But when spanking is used in this way at these ages, the evidence to date indicates it is effective, especially in getting children to cooperate more with the milder disciplinary tactics. In this way, parents can reduce the need to use spanking at all as the child gets older. Parents need more disciplinary options, not fewer ones. They also need to know optimal strategies for all aspects of discipline. Hopefully future research can build on these two reviews to provide parents with that information. Table 1 Mean Effect Sizes from Studies of Physical Punishment by Research Design and Severity of Physical Punishment (Gershoff, 2002) __________________________________________________ ______________________ Severity of Research Design Physical __________________________________________________ ___________ Punishment -------------Correlational---------- Cross-Sectional Sequenced (Longitudinal, Retrospective) Partially Controlled Randomized Clinical Trial Mean Effect Size Severe Physical Punishment -.59 (11 studies) 12 15-24 -.31 (7 studies) 11 25-30 -.47 Ordinary Physical Punishment -.53 (6 studies) 6 8 31-34 -.26 (9 studies) 4 34-41 -.36 Non-abusive Physical Punishment +1.04 (3 studies) 14 42 43 +1.04 Mean effect size -.57 -.28 +1.04 Note: This table includes studies of physical punishment of children under age 13 involving one of the following child constructs: immediate compliance and the aggression composite (child aggression, delinquency, adult aggression, crime, and abusiveness). The severity of physical punishment is based on Baumrind and Larzelere's coding, and the research design and effect size are based on Gershoff (2002). The mean effect sizes are unweighted means, to make it easier for others to verify these calculations. Some studies are included more than once, if they have effect sizes for multiple child constructs in Gershoff (2002). Table 2 Net Number of Beneficial Minus Detrimental Outcomes of Physical Punishment by Research Design and Severity of Physical Punishment (Larzelere, 2000) __________________________________________________ ______________________ Severity of Research Design Physical __________________________________________________ ___________ Punishment -------------Correlational---------- Cross-Sectional Sequenced (Longitudinal, Retrospective) Partially Controlled Randomized Clinical Trial Beneficial minus Detrimental Outcomes Severe Physical Punishment 0 (1 study) 11 0 Ordinary Physical Punishment -2 (0 beneficial minus 2 detrimental outcomes from 6 studies) 12 36 44-47 -1 (8 studies) 4 6 7 48-52 -3 Non-abusive Physical Punishment -2 (2 studies) 53 54 +1 (4 studies) 9 10 55 56 +4 (4 studies) 14 42 43 57 +3 Beneficial minus Detrimental Outcomes -4 0 +4 Note: This table includes studies in which the child outcome was either short-term compliance or one of the five variables in Gershoff's aggression composite. Studies were categorized as finding predominantly beneficial or detrimental outcomes or neither or both (see Larzelere, 2000) References 1. Gershoff ET. Parental corporal punishment and associated child behaviors and experiences: A meta-analytic and theoretical review. Psychological Bulletin 2002. 2. Larzelere RE. Child outcomes of nonabusive and customary physical punishment by parents: An updated literature review. Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review 2000;3(4):199-221. 3. Johnson BT. DSTAT: Software for the meta-analytic review of research literatures. Hillsdale NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1989. 4. Gunnoe ML, Mariner CL. Toward a developmental-contextual model of the effects of parental spanking on children's aggression. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine 1997;151:768-775. 5. Baumrind D, Larzelere RE, Cowan P. Ordinary physical punishment - Is it harmful? Commentary on Gershoff. Psychological Bulletin 2002. 6. Straus MA, Sugarman DB, Giles-Sims J. Spanking by parents and subsequent antisocial behavior of children. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine 1997;151:761-767. 7. Controlled longitudinal effects of five disciplinary tactics on antisocial behavior. annual convention of the American Psychological Association; 2000 August; Washington, DC. 8. Straus MA, Mouradian VE. Impulsive corporal punishment by mothers and antisocial behavior and impulsiveness of children. Behavioral Sciences and the Law 1998;16:353-374. 9. Larzelere RE, Sather PR, Schneider WN, Larson DB, Pike PL. Punishment enhances reasoning's effectiveness as a disciplinary response to toddlers. Journal of Marriage and the Family 1998;60:388-403. 10. Larzelere RE, Schneider WN, Larson DB, Pike PL. The effects of discipline responses in delaying toddler misbehavior recurrences. Child & Family Behavior Therapy 1996;18:35-57. 11. Sears RR. Relation of early socialization experiences to aggression in middle childhood. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 1961;63:466-492. 12. Yarrow MR, Campbell JD, Burton RV. Child rearing: An inquiry into research and methods. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1968. 13. Larzelere RE. Combining love and limits in authoritative parenting. In: Westman JC, editor. Parenthood in America. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2001:81-89. 14. Roberts MW, Powers SW. Adjusting chair timeout enforcement procedures for oppositional children. Behavior Therapy 1990;21:257-271. 15. Levin H, Sears RR. Identification with parents as a determinant of doll play aggression. Child Development 1956;27:135-153. 16. Bakshi A. Early family experience, chronic peer rejection in school, and overgeneralized social problem solving as predictors of child adjustment at age seven [Doctoral dissertation, 1993]. University of Tennessee, 1994. 17. Engfer A, Schneewind KA. Causes and consequences of harsh parental punishment: An empirical investigation in a representative sample of 570 German families. Child Abuse and Neglect 1982;6:129-139. 18. Frick PJ, Ellis M. Callous-unemotional traits and subtypes of conduct disorder. Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review 1999;2(3):149-168. 19. Gordon JE, Smith E. Children's aggression, parental attitudes, and the effects of an affiliation-arousing story. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 1965;1(6):654-659. 20. Lefkowitz MM, Walder LO, Eron LD. Punishment, identification and aggression. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 1963;9:159-174. 21. Mahoney A, Donnelly WO, Lewis T, Maynard C. Mother and father self-reports of corporal punishment and severe physical aggression toward clinic-referred youth. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology 2000;29(2):266-281. 22. McCabe KM, Clark R, Barnett D. Family protective factors among urban African American youth. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology 1999;28:137-150. 23. Sears RR, Maccoby EE, Levin H. Patterns of child-rearing. New York: Harper & Row, 1957. 24. Kandel DB. Parenting styles, drug use, and children's adjustment in families of young adults. Journal of Marriage and the Family 1990;52:183-196. 25. Dodge KA, Pettit GS, Bates JE. Socialization mediators of the relation between socioeconomic status and child conduct problems. Child Development 1994;64:649-665. 26. Alibrando SA, Jr. The effects of corporal punishment and contextual parental characteristics on rebelliousness, neuroticism and introversion [doctoral dissertation]. Biola University, 1988. 27. Eron LD. Parent-child interaction, television violence, and aggression of children. American Psychologist 1982;37:197-211. 28. Eron LD, Walder LO, Huesmann LR, Lefkowitz MM, editors. The convergence of laboratory and field studies of the development of aggression. The Hague: Mouton, 1974. 29. Eron LD, Huesmann LR, Zelli A. The role of parental variables in the learning of aggression. In: Pepler DJ, Rubin KH, editors. The development and treatment of childhood aggression. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1991:169-188. 30. McCord J. Questioning the value of punishment. Social Problems 1991;38:169-179. 31. Becker WC, Peterson DR, Luria Z, Shoemaker DJ, Hellmer LA. Relations of factors derived from parent-interview ratings to behavior problems of five-year-olds. Child Development 1962;33:509-535. 32. Hall EC. A correlational analysis of parental conflict resolution practices and 4- and 5-year-old children's interpersonal problem solving skills and verbal abilities in a preschool setting [Doctoral dissertation, 1994]. Unviersity of San Francisco, 1995. 33. McLeod J, Shanahan MJ. Poverty, parenting, and children's mental health. American Sociological Review 1993;58:351-366. 34. Straus MA. Ordinary violence, child abuse, and wife beating: What do they have in common? In: Straus MA, Gelles RJ, editors. Physical violence in American families: Risk factors and adaptations to violence in 8,145 families. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1990:403-424. 35. Singer JL, Singer DG, Rapaczynski WS. Family patterns and television viewing as predictors of children's beliefs and aggression. Journal of Communication 1984;34:73-89. 36. Johannesson I. Aggressive behavior among school children related to maternal practices in early childhood. In: deWit J, Hartup WW, editors. Determinants and origins of aggressive behavior. The Hague: Mouton, 1974:413-426. 37. McCord J. Parental behavior in the cycle of aggression. Psychiatry 1988;51:14-23. 38. McCord J. Parental aggressiveness and physical punishment in long-term perspective. In: Hotaling G, Finkelhor D, Kilpatrick J, Straus M, editors. Family abuse and its consequences. Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1988. 39. Stattin H, Janson H, Klackenberg-Larsson I, Magnusson D. Corporal punishment in everyday life: An intergenerational perspective. In: McCord J, editor. Coercion and punishment in long-term perspectives. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1995:315-347. 40. Straus MA. Beating the devil out of them: Corporal punishment in American families. New York: Lexington Books, 1994. 41. Chapman M, Zahn-Waxler C. Young children's compliance and noncompliance to parental discipline in a natural setting. International Journal of Behavioural Development 1982;5:81-94. 42. Bean AW, Roberts MW. The effect of time-out release contingencies on changes in child noncompliance. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology 1981;9:95-105. 43. Day DE, Roberts MW. An analysis of the physical punishment component of a parent training program. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology 1983;11:141-152. 44. Deater-Deckard K, Dodge KA, Bates JE, Pettit GS. Physical discipline among African American and European American mothers: Links to children's externalizing behaviors. Developmental Psychology 1996;32:1065-1072. 45. McCord J, Ensminger ME. Multiple risks and comorbidity in an African-American population. Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health 1997;7:339-352. 46. Michels S, Pianta R, Reeve R. Parent self-reports of discipline practices and child acting-out behaviors in kindergarten. Early Education and Development 1993;4:139-144. 47. MacIntyre DI, Cantrell PJ. Punishment history and adult attitudes towards violence and aggression in men and women. Social Behaviour and Personality 1995;23:23-28. 48. Bernal ME, Duryee JS, Pruett HL, Burns BJ. Behavior modification and the brat syndrome. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 1968;32:447-455. 49. Ellison C, Musick M, Holden G. A longitudinal study of the effects of corporal punishment: The moderating effect of conservative Protestantism [manuscript], 1998. 50. Adams MJ. Youth in crisis: An examination of adverse risk factors affecting children's cognitive and behavioral/emotional development, children ages 10-16 [doctoral dissertation]. University of Texas at Dallas, 1995. 51. McLeod JD, Kruttschnitt C, Dornfeld M. Does parenting explain the effects of structural conditions on children's antisocial behavior? A comparison of blacks and whites. Social Forces 1994;73:575-604. 52. Roberts MW. Resistance to timeout: Some normative data. Behavioral Assessment 1982;4:239-248. 53. Deater-Deckard K, Dodge KA. Externalizing behavior problems and discipline revisited: Nonlinear effects and variation by culture, context, and gender. Psychological Inquiry 1997;8:161-175. 54. Strassberg Z, Dodge KA, Pettit GW, Bates JE. Spanking in the home and children's subsequent aggression toward kindergarten peers. Development and Psychopathology 1994;6:445-461. 55. Baumrind D, Owens EB. Does normative physical punishment by parents cause detrimental child outcomes: A prospective longitudinal study. Manuscript in preparation, 2000. 56. Larzelere RE, Merenda JA. The effectiveness of parental discipline for toddler misbehavior at different levels of child distress. Family Relations 1994;43:480-488. 57. Roberts MW. Enforcing chair timeouts with room timeouts. Behavior Modification 1988;12:353-370. Doan On 25 Oct 2005 wrote: From time to time apologists and spanking advocates who wish to challenge research resort to posting the "work" of Robert E. Larzelere. What they fail to recognize is that Larzelere is guilty of the very things he mistakenly accuses other researchers of who he disagrees with. 1996: Review of corporal punishment studies: Robert E. Larzelere is the director of research at Boys Town, NE, and a skeptic of the anti-spanking position. He analyzed what he considered to be the eight strongest studies of corporal punishment (CP). 8 He found that they showed that spanking and other forms of violence short of actual abuse had "beneficial outcomes." However, the study seems almost without value when closely examined: - Seven of the eight studies measured only the child's short term compliance to the parent's request. There is probably a consensus among therapists, child psychologists, researchers and parents that spanking does make the child behave, at least for a little while. What these studies did not examine are the long-term effects of spanking observed by other studies: increasing non-compliance by the child, increased anti-social behavior with other children, and long range emotional and addictive problems as an adult. It is worth noting that in five of the seven cases, the effectiveness of spanking was compared to alternative methods of discipline. Spanking offered no advantages. - The eighth study did show long-term beneficial results from spanking. However it dealt only with a single child who had a severe conduct disorder, and who might be suffering from schizophrenia. Thus, one cannot extrapolate the study's results to the general population of children. In addition, most of the study dealt with training the mother to reinforce the child's positive behaviors and to be more confident and consistent in issuing commands to the child. One might speculate that an equivalent or even better beneficial result might have been observed if the spanking were replaced by an alternative form of discipline. .................. The lengths that advocates and apologists will go to to support a failed method and in fact nothing more than a superstition is a monument to what spanking...doubtless suffered by them as children...will do to one's reasoning ability if the later adult does not take special care to heal from the insults of childhood abuse. It doesn't take much to agree with your abusers. It takes a great deal of bravery and determination to stand up to the past and deny it's false meanings. Spanking does not work. Kane |
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The Apologists
wrote: I suppose spankers are willing to risk their children without giving sufficient thought to possible unwanted outcomes, and most assuredely apologists are willing to risk other people's children. Many spankers do not believe they are placing their children at risk for possible unwanted outcomes. In fact, I have met individuals who truly believe they are placing their children at risk for "naughty, disobedient, and out of control behavior" if they don't spank them. It is unconsciounable that they dump the results of their inadequecies on society and the world (we are such a small world anymore) and expect us to put up with them. And yes, society and the world pays the price of this parenting. Saddest of all is the heritage of the children that suffer these insults and parental shortcomings. They suffer the most. The children definitely suffer the most. Isn't that always the case? The parents have already suffered through painful, fear-provoking, and inadequate parenting. Living with that pain and fear, they now inflict it on the next generation of helpless and innocent individuals, their children. No comments on the end of your post, other than it is excellent. LaVonne Some thoughts from a contributor to an end to spanking: Effects of spanking--A brief summary By Melanie Killen, May 31, 2000 My analysis of the literature on this topic has led me to conclude that spanking: 1. distracts children from focusing on the nature of the misdeed --instead it refocuses them on the pain inflicted thereby reducing the possibility that children will understand why their act was wrong 2. prevents the situation from becoming a learning/teaching situation because the child now focuses on the pain inflicted instead of the nature of the misdeed 3. often increases humiliation in the child 4. often lowers self esteem 5. provides a confusing message to the child because one transgression (inflicting harm on another person) is dealt with by the same transgression (inflicting harm on another person) 6. exaggerates the unilateral nature of the adult-child relationship and diminishes the reciprocal nature--so important for moral development 7. inhibits the opportunity to teach the child what makes an act wrong by removing them from the situation 8. turns the child from instigator to victim thereby altering the roles in the situation and making it more complicated. A review article by Grusec and Goodnow (1994) in Developmental Psychology on parenting discipline techniques covers much of these issues. Melanie Killen Dept. of Human Development University of Maryland, College Park College Park, MD 20742-1131 Phone: 301.405.3176 FAX: 301.405.2891 For a comprehensive examination of this issue, see RESEARCH AND INFORMED EXPERT OPINION Experts cited: American Academy of Pediatrics, E. Barker, D. Bakan, A. Einstein, H. Falk, I. Hyman, T. Gordon, P. Greven, W. Grier & P. Cobbs, A. Haeuser, A. Maurer, K. Menninger, A. Montagu, A. Miller, J. Prescott, B. Spock, M. Straus, R. Welsh, and others. (56 files) http://www.nospank.net/killen.htm |
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