Israel Killed JFK - nuclear whistleblower

The American news media, for all the usual and most obvious reasons,
has systematically ignored the most explosive news story in years,
made all the more relevant by the countdown to further conflict in the
Middle East as credible rumors continue to surface that Israel and the
United States are planning an act of preemptive war against Iran in
coming months.

The story, which appeared in the Express Newspapers of India on
Monday, July 26th, quotes Israeli nuclear whistleblower Mordecai
Vanunu as crediting the Israeli Mossad with the assassination of
President Kennedy. Even more incredibly, Vanunu states specifically
that the motive for the assassination of Kennedy on the part of the
Israeli government was related to the American President's insistence
that the Zionist State come clean about its nuclear program at the
infamous Dimona plant in the Negev desert.

Vanunu was released by the Israeli authorities in April after 18 years
imprisonment for a treason conviction related to the disclosure of
state secrets regarding the Israelis' nuclear program. His sensational
public charge about the involvement of the Mossad in the Kennedy
murder might simply be relegated to the realm of the utterances of a
disgruntled or imbalanced man, except for one additional item.

Michael Collins Piper, the author of Final Judgment: The Missing Link
in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy, has made a previous case for
Israel's direct involvement in the Dealey Plaza murder of John Kennedy
on November 22, 1963 that is both plausible and compelling. The Vanunu
account simply underscores and corroborates the case Piper made
originally over a decade ago. The converging accounts of the two men
are most disturbing.

Piper tells the reader of Final Judgment that 1963 proved to be a
pivotal year in a publicly unreported conflict between America's 35th
President and Israeli Prime Minister David Ben Gurion, principally
over Israel's failure to submit its Dimona operation to International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspection, and secondarily to a
negotiated settlement with the Palestinians. He subsequently proceeds
to discuss the principle alleged players in the assassination plot
itself in a way which corroborates the research of such respected
Kennedy assassination scholars as the UK's Anthony Summers and
University of Texas professor Jim Marrs. Readers of the work of
Summers and Marrs will be intimately familiar with names like Sam
Giancana, Johnny Roselli, Carlos Marcello, Guy Banister, William
Harvey, William Sullivan, George de Mohrenschildt, James Jesus
Angleton, Richard Helms, Alpha 66, and Santos Trafficante. Typically,
the demonstrated links of these individuals with organized crime
syndicates, the anti-Castro Cuban exilic community of the early 1960s,
and an element of the Central Intelligence Agency involved with the
first two groups, has resulted in past tentative conclusions that the
crux of the plot that took Mr. Kennedy's life involved a convergence
of interest of these three (3) key constituencies involved in a sordid
triumvirate deliberately concealed from the American public 40 years
ago by the Warren Commission.

Piper does not discredit this conclusion reached by his predecessors
in their research of the circumstances that led specific individuals
to participate in a plot to kill the President. He simply demonstrates
what has been hidden from view before now: that those fingered by the
meticulous academic research of Summers, Marrs, and others, have even
deeper demonstrable associations with the Israeli lobby and Israeli
intelligence.

Final Judgment's case in this regard is principally built on the key
significance of Meyer Lansky as the real power player in American
organized crime in the 1950s and 1960s, the superior of Giancana,
Roselli, Marcello, Mickey Cohen, Mickey Weiner, Moe Dalitz, Frank
Costello, and others previously mentioned as participants in the
Kennedy conspiracy. In turn, Lansky's role as a committed Zionist and
fund-raiser for the State of Israel involved direct, palpable links
between his criminal empire, his Miami-based banks, and the Banque de
Credit International (BCI) in Geneva, Switzerland. This latter entity
served as the European-based money laundering center for Mr. Lansky's
global activities. BCI in turn, was headed up by an Israeli banker,
Tibor Rosenbaum, former Director for Finances and Supply for the
Israeli Mossad. Piper then demonstrates that BCI was a chief share
holder in a Rome-based corporation called CMC/Permindex, whose
chairman of the board was none other than Louis M. Bloomfield of
Montreal, Canada, a major fund-raiser for Israel and known asset for
Israeli intelligence. CMC/Permindex, in turn, proves to be a major
point of intersection which brings the shadowy Bloomfield into direct
or indirect contact with Clay Shaw (the chief target of the Jim
Garrison JFK investigation in New Orleans), Guy Banister, James Jesus
Angleton, FBI Division 5 chief William Sullivan (who spearheaded the
FBI investigation for the Warren Commission and served as FBI liaison
and friend of Angleton), ex-Cuban President Carlos Prio Socarras
(provable gun-running business partner of Oswald assassin Jack Ruby),
Ernest Israel Japhet (chairman and president of Israeli Bank Leumi),
Shaul Eisenberg (a key figure in Israel's nuclear bomb development and
participant with Rosenbaum in the Swiss-Israel Trade Bank), elements
of the French nationalist Secret Army Organization (OAS), CIA agent
Theodore Shackley (the CIA's chief of station in Miami during the CIA-
Lansky assassination plots against Fidel Castro), and Abe Feinberg,
New York Jewish businessman used by Ben Gurion as the liaison for
secret meetings with President Kennedy to resolve the dispute of the
latter two over Dimona. It is thus the BCI and CMC/Permindex players
and links which Piper employs to show that the players, alliances, and
assets were firmly in place to bring those with motive, means, and
opportunity together in a plot which culminated in Dallas.

Secondarily, Piper buttresses his case by showing the results for
Israel subsequent to the tragedy in Dallas in November of 1963. The
removal of Kennedy brought an end to American demands for IAEA
inspections of the Israeli nuclear program, and the ascension to the
White House of Lyndon Johnson, whose long ties to Meyer Lansky and
Carlos Marcello had assisted the barefoot boy of the Texas Hill
Country in his arrival at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. More
significantly, Johnson's arrival in the Oval Office represented a sea
change in American Middle Eastern policy, establishing for Piper the
Israel-First direction of every American Chief Executive from LBJ
onward, to the detriment of the independence of the American
government from the undue influence of the Israeli lobby, the
maintenance of regional peace and stability in the most dangerous area
of the globe, and any vestiges of hope for positive American political
relationships with the Islamic world.

The Vanunu-Piper allegations about Israel will not go away. The
revelations of direct Israeli connections to key members of the Neo-
Conservative foreign policy team of George W. Bush most desirous of
conflict with Iraq; the virtual ownership of the United States
Congress by the American-Israeli Political Action Committee (AIPAC);
and the sycophancy of John Kerry toward these same interests, will
culminate in a political boiling point in the United States if an
expanded American involvement in a Middle Eastern war, the re-
institution of an American Draft, and further instances of Middle East-
related terrorism in the American homeland end up being connected by
the public to the interests of Israel and Zionism and not those of the
United States. Further exposure and corroboration of the Vanunu-Piper
charges that the Israeli government was the driving force behind the
death of John F. Kennedy--in conjunction with further exposure of Tel
Aviv's ongoing manipulation of the American government and media in
issues of War and Empire-will commence a mass revolt against the
policy elites that neither Tel Aviv nor Washington will be able to
contain or control.

Between now and the first Tuesday in November, the policy elites will
do their best to conceal fair disclosure and debate over who controls
the present process and benefits by it. Suppression of information
will be their modus operandi. Bush, Kerry, and their respective pals
in Corporate America and Big Media will do their best to obfuscate the
truth, ignore the discussion of the core issues of War and Peace, and
hide the real identity of their financiers and handlers through such
information suppression. Suppressing any serious examination or
dissemination of the Vanunu-Piper case against Israel is already a
done deal. It is a real shame. Pity us, the "free" American Republic,
that no one will ask our two Presidential aspirants some pressing
questions in the days ahead, including what they think of the
following Presidential document from 41 years ago.


July 5, 1963
Dear Mr. Prime Minister (Levi Eshkol of Israel):

It gives me great personal pleasure to extend congratulations as you
assume your responsibilities as Prime Minister of Israel. You have our
friendship and best wishes in your new tasks. It is on one of these
that I am writing you at this time.

You are aware, I am sure, of the exchange which I had with Prime
Minister Ben-Gurion concerning American visits [i.e.: inspections] to
Israel's nuclear facility at Dimona. Most recently, the Prime Minister
wrote to me on May 27th. His words reflected a most intense personal
consideration of a problem that I know is not easy for your
Government, as it is not for mine. We welcomed the former Prime
Minister's strong reaffirmation that Dimona will be devoted
exclusively to peaceful purposes and the reaffirmation also of
Israel's willingness to permit periodic visits [inspections] to
Dimona.

I regret having to add to your burdens so soon after your assumption
of office, but I feel the crucial importance of this problem
necessitates my taking up with you at this early date certain further
considerations, arising out of Mr. Ben-Gurion's May 27th letter, as to
the nature and scheduling of such visits.

I am sure you will agree that these visits should be nearly as
possible in accord with international standards, thereby resolving all
doubts as to the peaceful intent of the Dimona project. As I wrote Mr.
Ben-Gurion, this Government's commitment to and support of Israel
could be seriously jeopardized if it should be thought that we were
unable to obtain reliable information on a subject as vital to the
peace as the question of Israel's effort in the nuclear field.

Therefore, I asked our scientists to review the alternative schedules
of visits we and you had proposed. If Israel's purposes are to be
clear beyond reasonable doubt, I believe that the schedule which would
best serve our common purposes would be a visit early this summer,
another visit in June 1964, and thereafter at intervals of six months.
I am sure that such a schedule should not cause you any more
difficulty than that which Mr. Ben-Gurion proposed in his May 27th
letter. It would be essential, and I understand that Mr. Ben-Gurion's
letter was in accord with this, that our scientists have access to all
areas of the Dimona site and to any related part of the complex, such
as fuel fabrication facilities or plutonium separation plant, and that
sufficient time be allotted for a thorough examination.

Knowing that you fully appreciate the truly vital significance of this
matter to the future well-being of Israel, to the United States, and
internationally, I am sure our carefully considered request will have
your most sympathetic attention.


Sincerely,
John F. Kennedy


(Mark Dankof is a Lutheran pastor and free-lance journalist,
occasionally contributing to Iran Dokht, Al Bawaba, Nile Media,
CASCFEN, PersianMirror, DixieInternet.com, and other Internet news
sites. Once a 3rd party candidate for the United States Senate in
Delaware [2000], he maintains the web-site Mark Dankof's America while
pursuing post-graduate theological education at Westminster
Theological Seminary in Philadelphia.) His commentary may be found
regularly on SARTRE's Old American Right and Republic news site,
Breaking All the Rules. His interview with 3rd party American
Presidential candidate Michael Peroutka of the Constitution Party is
widely available on various sites on the World Wide Web.)

http://www.rediff.com/news/2004/jul/26vanunu.htm

http://www.markdankof.com/mossadmurdersjfk.htm

The Israeli government took Mordecai Vanunu so seriously that they
locked him up for decades.

I fixed the header for you.

On Sun, 07 Oct 2007 04:35:45 -0700,
wrote:

The American news media, for all the usual and most obvious reasons,
has systematically ignored the most explosive news story in years,
made all the more relevant by the countdown to further conflict in the
Middle East as credible rumors continue to surface that Israel and the
United States are planning an act of preemptive war against Iran in
coming months.

The story, which appeared in the Express Newspapers of India on
Monday, July 26th, quotes Israeli nuclear whistleblower Mordecai
Vanunu as crediting the Israeli Mossad with the assassination of
President Kennedy.

Vannunu isn't even a good actor. I saw him on YouTube. The
Mossad would never employ someone who can't even convince an audience
of neo nazis and other assorted idiots that he worked for the Mossad.
By the way, you may be interested to know that Kennedy was
assassinated because he wanted to end the cold war in his second term,
and that the assassination was carried out at the demand of the
leaders of what would become the European Union (which NEVER would
have existed if the Cold War had ended during Kennedy's second term).

Even more incredibly, Vanunu states specifically
that the motive for the assassination of Kennedy on the part of the
Israeli government was related to the American President's insistence
that the Zionist State come clean about its nuclear program at the
infamous Dimona plant in the Negev desert.

Vanunu was released by the Israeli authorities in April after 18 years
imprisonment for a treason conviction related to the disclosure of
state secrets regarding the Israelis' nuclear program. His sensational
public charge about the involvement of the Mossad in the Kennedy
murder might simply be relegated to the realm of the utterances of a
disgruntled or imbalanced man, except for one additional item.

Michael Collins Piper, the author of Final Judgment: The Missing Link
in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy, has made a previous case for
Israel's direct involvement in the Dealey Plaza murder of John Kennedy
on November 22, 1963 that is both plausible and compelling. The Vanunu
account simply underscores and corroborates the case Piper made
originally over a decade ago. The converging accounts of the two men
are most disturbing.

Piper tells the reader of Final Judgment that 1963 proved to be a
pivotal year in a publicly unreported conflict between America's 35th
President and Israeli Prime Minister David Ben Gurion, principally
over Israel's failure to submit its Dimona operation to International
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspection, and secondarily to a
negotiated settlement with the Palestinians. He subsequently proceeds
to discuss the principle alleged players in the assassination plot
itself in a way which corroborates the research of such respected
Kennedy assassination scholars as the UK's Anthony Summers and
University of Texas professor Jim Marrs. Readers of the work of
Summers and Marrs will be intimately familiar with names like Sam
Giancana, Johnny Roselli, Carlos Marcello, Guy Banister, William
Harvey, William Sullivan, George de Mohrenschildt, James Jesus
Angleton, Richard Helms, Alpha 66, and Santos Trafficante. Typically,
the demonstrated links of these individuals with organized crime
syndicates, the anti-Castro Cuban exilic community of the early 1960s,
and an element of the Central Intelligence Agency involved with the
first two groups, has resulted in past tentative conclusions that the
crux of the plot that took Mr. Kennedy's life involved a convergence
of interest of these three (3) key constituencies involved in a sordid
triumvirate deliberately concealed from the American public 40 years
ago by the Warren Commission.

Piper does not discredit this conclusion reached by his predecessors
in their research of the circumstances that led specific individuals
to participate in a plot to kill the President. He simply demonstrates
what has been hidden from view before now: that those fingered by the
meticulous academic research of Summers, Marrs, and others, have even
deeper demonstrable associations with the Israeli lobby and Israeli
intelligence.

Final Judgment's case in this regard is principally built on the key
significance of Meyer Lansky as the real power player in American
organized crime in the 1950s and 1960s, the superior of Giancana,
Roselli, Marcello, Mickey Cohen, Mickey Weiner, Moe Dalitz, Frank
Costello, and others previously mentioned as participants in the
Kennedy conspiracy. In turn, Lansky's role as a committed Zionist and
fund-raiser for the State of Israel involved direct, palpable links
between his criminal empire, his Miami-based banks, and the Banque de
Credit International (BCI) in Geneva, Switzerland. This latter entity
served as the European-based money laundering center for Mr. Lansky's
global activities. BCI in turn, was headed up by an Israeli banker,
Tibor Rosenbaum, former Director for Finances and Supply for the
Israeli Mossad. Piper then demonstrates that BCI was a chief share
holder in a Rome-based corporation called CMC/Permindex, whose
chairman of the board was none other than Louis M. Bloomfield of
Montreal, Canada, a major fund-raiser for Israel and known asset for
Israeli intelligence. CMC/Permindex, in turn, proves to be a major
point of intersection which brings the shadowy Bloomfield into direct
or indirect contact with Clay Shaw (the chief target of the Jim
Garrison JFK investigation in New Orleans), Guy Banister, James Jesus
Angleton, FBI Division 5 chief William Sullivan (who spearheaded the
FBI investigation for the Warren Commission and served as FBI liaison
and friend of Angleton), ex-Cuban President Carlos Prio Socarras
(provable gun-running business partner of Oswald assassin Jack Ruby),
Ernest Israel Japhet (chairman and president of Israeli Bank Leumi),
Shaul Eisenberg (a key figure in Israel's nuclear bomb development and
participant with Rosenbaum in the Swiss-Israel Trade Bank), elements
of the French nationalist Secret Army Organization (OAS), CIA agent
Theodore Shackley (the CIA's chief of station in Miami during the CIA-
Lansky assassination plots against Fidel Castro), and Abe Feinberg,
New York Jewish businessman used by Ben Gurion as the liaison for
secret meetings with President Kennedy to resolve the dispute of the
latter two over Dimona. It is thus the BCI and CMC/Permindex players
and links which Piper employs to show that the players, alliances, and
assets were firmly in place to bring those with motive, means, and
opportunity together in a plot which culminated in Dallas.

Secondarily, Piper buttresses his case by showing the results for
Israel subsequent to the tragedy in Dallas in November of 1963. The
removal of Kennedy brought an end to American demands for IAEA
inspections of the Israeli nuclear program, and the ascension to the
White House of Lyndon Johnson, whose long ties to Meyer Lansky and
Carlos Marcello had assisted the barefoot boy of the Texas Hill
Country in his arrival at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. More
significantly, Johnson's arrival in the Oval Office represented a sea
change in American Middle Eastern policy, establishing for Piper the
Israel-First direction of every American Chief Executive from LBJ
onward, to the detriment of the independence of the American
government from the undue influence of the Israeli lobby, the
maintenance of regional peace and stability in the most dangerous area
of the globe, and any vestiges of hope for positive American political
relationships with the Islamic world.

The Vanunu-Piper allegations about Israel will not go away. The
revelations of direct Israeli connections to key members of the Neo-
Conservative foreign policy team of George W. Bush most desirous of
conflict with Iraq; the virtual ownership of the United States
Congress by the American-Israeli Political Action Committee (AIPAC);
and the sycophancy of John Kerry toward these same interests, will
culminate in a political boiling point in the United States if an
expanded American involvement in a Middle Eastern war, the re-
institution of an American Draft, and further instances of Middle East-
related terrorism in the American homeland end up being connected by
the public to the interests of Israel and Zionism and not those of the
United States. Further exposure and corroboration of the Vanunu-Piper
charges that the Israeli government was the driving force behind the
death of John F. Kennedy--in conjunction with further exposure of Tel
Aviv's ongoing manipulation of the American government and media in
issues of War and Empire-will commence a mass revolt against the
policy elites that neither Tel Aviv nor Washington will be able to
contain or control.

Between now and the first Tuesday in November, the policy elites will
do their best to conceal fair disclosure and debate over who controls
the present process and benefits by it. Suppression of information
will be their modus operandi. Bush, Kerry, and their respective pals
in Corporate America and Big Media will do their best to obfuscate the
truth, ignore the discussion of the core issues of War and Peace, and
hide the real identity of their financiers and handlers through such
information suppression. Suppressing any serious examination or
dissemination of the Vanunu-Piper case against Israel is already a
done deal. It is a real shame. Pity us, the "free" American Republic,
that no one will ask our two Presidential aspirants some pressing
questions in the days ahead, including what they think of the
following Presidential document from 41 years ago.


July 5, 1963
Dear Mr. Prime Minister (Levi Eshkol of Israel):

It gives me great personal pleasure to extend congratulations as you
assume your responsibilities as Prime Minister of Israel. You have our
friendship and best wishes in your new tasks. It is on one of these
that I am writing you at this time.

You are aware, I am sure, of the exchange which I had with Prime
Minister Ben-Gurion concerning American visits [i.e.: inspections] to
Israel's nuclear facility at Dimona. Most recently, the Prime Minister
wrote to me on May 27th. His words reflected a most intense personal
consideration of a problem that I know is not easy for your
Government, as it is not for mine. We welcomed the former Prime
Minister's strong reaffirmation that Dimona will be devoted
exclusively to peaceful purposes and the reaffirmation also of
Israel's willingness to permit periodic visits [inspections] to
Dimona.

I regret having to add to your burdens so soon after your assumption
of office, but I feel the crucial importance of this problem
necessitates my taking up with you at this early date certain further
considerations, arising out of Mr. Ben-Gurion's May 27th letter, as to
the nature and scheduling of such visits.

I am sure you will agree that these visits should be nearly as
possible in accord with international standards, thereby resolving all
doubts as to the peaceful intent of the Dimona project. As I wrote Mr.
Ben-Gurion, this Government's commitment to and support of Israel
could be seriously jeopardized if it should be thought that we were
unable to obtain reliable information on a subject as vital to the
peace as the question of Israel's effort in the nuclear field.

Therefore, I asked our scientists to review the alternative schedules
of visits we and you had proposed. If Israel's purposes are to be
clear beyond reasonable doubt, I believe that the schedule which would
best serve our common purposes would be a visit early this summer,
another visit in June 1964, and thereafter at intervals of six months.
I am sure that such a schedule should not cause you any more
difficulty than that which Mr. Ben-Gurion proposed in his May 27th
letter. It would be essential, and I understand that Mr. Ben-Gurion's
letter was in accord with this, that our scientists have access to all
areas of the Dimona site and to any related part of the complex, such
as fuel fabrication facilities or plutonium separation plant, and that
sufficient time be allotted for a thorough examination.

Knowing that you fully appreciate the truly vital significance of this
matter to the future well-being of Israel, to the United States, and
internationally, I am sure our carefully considered request will have
your most sympathetic attention.


Sincerely,
John F. Kennedy


(Mark Dankof is a Lutheran pastor and free-lance journalist,
occasionally contributing to Iran Dokht, Al Bawaba, Nile Media,
CASCFEN, PersianMirror, DixieInternet.com, and other Internet news
sites. Once a 3rd party candidate for the United States Senate in
Delaware [2000], he maintains the web-site Mark Dankof's America while
pursuing post-graduate theological education at Westminster
Theological Seminary in Philadelphia.) His commentary may be found
regularly on SARTRE's Old American Right and Republic news site,
Breaking All the Rules. His interview with 3rd party American
Presidential candidate Michael Peroutka of the Constitution Party is
widely available on various sites on the World Wide Web.)

http://www.rediff.com/news/2004/jul/26vanunu.htm

http://www.markdankof.com/mossadmurdersjfk.htm

The Israeli government took Mordecai Vanunu so seriously that they
locked him up for decades.

and I thought it was the Mafia working with the CIA.